But what does influence look like? How do you get it?
As Don Janssen discovered, real influence comes through humble, service-based leadership. This groundbreaking book from San Diego Zoo Global's retired corporate director of animal health provides a fresh-and highly practical-approach to leadership. With engaging stories, eye-opening interviews, and step-by-step advice, the book navigates common workplace challenges, providing a road map for those who want to effect positive change.
Upside-Down Leadership details how Janssen implemented this valuable leadership concept. Featuring practical advice, interviews and research, and fascinating stories from Janssen's remarkable veterinary career, the book teaches future leaders how to make a lasting, influential difference in the organization they serve. Read more Read less. Amazon Global Store International products have separate terms, are sold from abroad and may differ from local products, including fit, age ratings, and language of product, labeling or instructions. Any warranty descriptions were intended for US purchasers.
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Write a customer review. Most helpful customer reviews on Amazon. February 8, - Published on Amazon. This is one of the most interesting leadership books I've ever read. The author tells fascinating stories about his time as a veterinarian leader, so the book is much more engaging than your typical business book. Yet, the lessons are really clear: an inclusive, low-ego style of leadership may be hard to cultivate--but once you do, the dynamic you create builds a strong bond with your people.
I think this book would be great for anyone, but particularly for those who are in a position to lead others but are not in a traditional office setting. It would be a great team building read for groups trying to work through management issues!
I highly recommend. Wilson was not only more diligent than the chillaxed Cameron, but also a better tactician, much more astute about how the prime minister should situate himself in a contest where his own cabinet and party were divided. In this way, he managed to align himself not with the politically engaged, but with those undecided, largely apolitical voters who were yet to make up their minds. Leading Remainers in lacked the range, timbre and sophisticated understatement of their predecessors. In anti-EEC sentiment was a minority pursuit on the right.
After all, it seemed perverse to oppose something the Labour left demonised. Still, Europe was an issue that produced divisions across the political spectrum. Even in the Liberal Party a contingent of individualist free traders regarded the EEC as a bastion of protectionism.
What, they had reckoned, was the point of leaving the embrace of England for that of a European super-state? Gerald Ellison, the bishop of London, and David Edwards, chaplain to the speaker of the House of Commons, denounced as a kind of heresy the obsession with sovereignty found, for example, in the High Tory ecclesiology of Enoch Powell. Outside Ulster, ultra-Protestantism made limited headway, except in the Western Isles, the only area of the UK, apart from Shetland, to return a No vote.
Cleverly, Britain in Europe enlisted celebrities rather than men in grey suits to get out its message. Ogres such as Benn, Paisley and Powell were no match for these recruits. The Sex Discrimination Act became law in , and Saunders devotes considerable attention to the part played by women in the campaign.
Food prices played an important part in the debate, and the charge that the Common Agricultural Policy kept the cost of food artificially high in the interests of farmers meant that women, often responsible for food shopping, proved immune for a long time to the pragmatic arguments of the pro-Europeans. Inside the Labour Party women played a formidable role on both sides of the debate, Castle and Judith Hart for the socialist antis, Shirley Williams and Betty Boothroyd for the more social democratic Marketeers.
In an era of rocketing inflation, the cost of food offered the antis their best hope of victory. The problem was that voters at large were uncertain, as I am now, about what exactly sovereignty meant.
If not, in what ways was EEC membership different? You can lose it more than once.
Pro-Europeans explicitly addressed the question of sovereignty by linking it to memories of the war. The public was receptive to the idea that European co-operation offered an alternative to the clash of competing sovereignties.
Those who had actually fought in the war — such as Heath, a lieutenant-colonel in the artillery — were understandably more diffident in their patriotism than the cosseted Tory jingoists of Where did the un-British idea of a national plebiscite come from in the first place? By the strangest of ironies, it was originally aired by the late Victorian jurist A.
Britain had employed referendums in its overseas territories — one was held in Gibraltar in , and Heath was to hold a border poll in Northern Ireland in In the idea of a referendum appealed to Tony Benn, still a pro-Marketeering moderniser, but already a convinced proponent of popular sovereignty. The life raft saved the Labour Party, at least in the short run. Indeed, the experience of centre-right Labour and centre-left Conservative politicians working more harmoniously across the aisle than with the extremists of their own parties planted the seed that would flower briefly as the SDP.
In other respects the referendum worked. This, of course, is exactly what happened in when there was an overwhelming majority in Parliament for the status quo.